Universal Periodic Review of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (41st Session Nov 2022)

Submitted by

Edmund Rice International is an international non-governmental organization, founded in 2005 and with Special Consultative Status with ECOSOC since 2012. ERI is supported by two Catholic Religious Congregations, the Christian Brothers and the Presentation Brothers. It works with networks of like-minded organizations and in the countries where the two Congregations are present. ERI has a special interest in the rights of the child, the right to education and in eco-justice.

Website: http://www.edmundriceinternational.org

Address: PO Box, 37-39 Rue de Vermont, 1211 Geneva 20, Switzerland.

Email: eri.gaillard@gmail.com

International Presentation Association is a network of Catholic religious congregations of Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, friends, and associates who work for personal and systemic change for People and Earth. It is accredited with the United Nations Department of Public Information and with the Economic and Social council (ECOSOC). Website: http://internationalpresentationassociation.org

Address: 1011 1st Ave, #1313New York, NY 10022, US.

Email: Ipa.ngo.rep@gmail.com

The Westcourt Centre is a subcommittee of the Congregation of Christian Brothers, Northern Ireland (Registered Charity No: NIC102236). The charity operates a centre, which is committed to reducing disadvantage and promoting social inclusion through education.  http://www.westcourtcentre.org/ The Westourt Centre, 8 – 30 Barrack Street, Belfast BT12 4AH, Tel: 02890 323009. Email westcourtcentre@gmail.com

 Homeless Connect (previously known as Council for the Homeless NI) has been working to prevent and alleviate homelessness in Northern Ireland since 1983. Homeless Connect is the representative body for the homelessness sector in NI, working to represent organisations working with people experiencing homelessness or at risk of becoming homeless. Homeless Connect further provide direct support to service users through our projects.

REVIVE UK is an independent Community Project that provides practical support , services and advocacy for refugees and people seeking asylum, regardless of race, religion, gender, sexuality, disability or age. Tel +44 0161 2235668 Email info@revive-uk.org https://www.revive-uk.org/

https://www.asylumlink.org.uk/ Merseyside is based in St Anne’s presbytery next to St Anne’s Church in Overbury Street, Wavertree, Liverpool, L7 3HJ, United Kingdom. It is a safe space for Asylum Seekers and Refugees, to meet, relax and find out about the community they have been dropped into. We offer a wide range of services which are centred on the principles of Friendship and Welcome. These include access to other agencies delivering refugee services on site, the Merseyside Refugee Support Network MRSN, Merseyside Network for Change, MNfC, and the Greater Manchester Immigration Aid Unit, GMIAU. Telephone 0151 709 1713 – or contact us by email: info@asylumlink.org.uk

Caritas Shrewsbury is the social action and social justice agency of the Catholic Diocese of Shrewsbury. We provide a range of support and services to help those in the most vulnerable situations. Together we speak up about the causes of poverty and exclusion to bring about change. Telephone: 0151 652 1281 Email: info@caritasshrewsbury.org.uk Twitter: @caritasdio www.caritasshrewsbury.org.u

Red Dot Foundation Global was founded in 2017 in the United States to support the work on sexual violence. The mission of the Red Dot Foundation is to work towards ending violence against women and girls using crowdsourced data, community engagement and institutional accountability using their Safecity App. Red Dot Foundation Global, 5217 Lightning View Road, Columbia MD 21045  USA. Email info@reddotfoundation.org   Website https://reddotfoundation.org/

European Province of the Christian Brothers is a charitable trust that supports the mission and ministry of the Christian Brothers in Ireland. The promotion of social justice and human rights is a core element of corporate social responsibility and is expressed, in particular, in supporting integration and inclusion initiatives for migrants and refugees in Ireland.

Website: http://www.edmundrice.eu/

Address: Griffith Avenue, Marino, Dublin D09 X98, Ireland.

Email: info@edmundrice.eu


  1. This joint stakeholder submission to the Universal Periodic Review is made by a coalition of faith-based and civil society groups including Edmund Rice International (ERI), the International Presentation Association (IPA) supported by local grassroots groups and national and international organisations.
  2. The submitting organisations respect the progress made by the UK in promoting and safeguarding human rights and the commitments made in relation to previous UPR cycles but believe there are areas requiring further attention. This joint submission focuses on two specific areas of concern in the United Kingdom: homelessness in Northern Ireland, the rights of migrants, refugees and people seeking asylum in Northern England.


A. Homelessness in Northern Ireland

  • The section dealing with homelessness has been prepared from consultations with civil society groups working to combat homelessness, most notably The Westcourt Centre in Belfast, Northern Ireland1 and Homeless Connect2. Since 2008 The Westcourt Centre has been working with a number of local service providers for people experiencing homelessness in the Belfast area and has developed a strong relationship with the homeless sector. A key feature of the work of the Westcourt Centre is its focus on providing an advocacy platform for people experiencing homelessness in the city by giving voice to their personal experiences of homelessness.

B. The Rights of Refugees and People Seeking Asylum

  • The section dealing with issues facing migrants, refugees and people seeking asylum has been prepared from consultations with stakeholder groups represented in the European Province Refugee Group and data compiled from research conducted by civil society groups such as the Revive UK.   Information for this submission has been developed from narrative reports by volunteers and professionals working with people seeking asylum and refugees in various settings and is supported by the personal testimony of a journey through the asylum system.

A. Homelessness in Northern Ireland (NI): Concerns and Recommendations

  • As with many jurisdictions in Europe4 NI is currently experiencing difficult and ongoing challenges regarding housing and homelessness.5 Since the last UPR of the GB and NI6 the situation has not improved. Despite the fact that access to housing is a fundamental human right and social need (Article 25.1 UDHR, Article 11.1 of ICESCR, UN OHCHR Fact Sheet 21), many individuals and families living here struggle to access safe, secure and affordable housing suitable to their needs.7
  • With the advent of the Covid pandemic, trends which were already heading in the wrong direction have been exacerbated further. Too many individuals and families continue to experience homelessness in this society with all of the concomitant consequences this has for their health and wellbeing.8 

Institutional and human rights infrastructure and policy Measures

Article 25.1 UDHR Right to Adequate Standard of Living9

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Article 11.110

  • In NI, homelessness does not consist solely of those engaging in ‘rough sleeping’11. The legal definition of homelessness includes not only this group but also those who are at risk of becoming homeless within twenty-eight days and those who are living in properties which are not reasonable for them to continue to occupy.12 This wider understanding of homelessness is, in practice, useful because it facilitates the prevention of a household from becoming homeless.
  • In order to qualify as legally homeless, applicants must present themselves to the NIHE13 for assessment. The NIHE assess every household14 on four criteria: eligibility, homelessness, priority need and intentionality.
  • If a household fulfills all four criteria they are deemed to be statutorily homeless and they are owed a full duty by the NIHE.15 This duty requires NIHE to secure accommodation for the household concerned. If such accommodation is not immediately available, they are required to offer temporary accommodation to the household until a suitable property can be allocated to them.


  1. Failure to address effectively the needs of households experiencing homelessness as had been previously identified in our UK UPR Submission 201716.
  2. Failure of the NIHE to address effectively the supply of sufficient safe, secure and affordable housing that has resulted in the lengthening of the social housing list.
  3. When considering and analysing the statistics on homelessness it must be remembered that different jurisdictions define homelessness in a variety of ways and can have different measures for establishing who is and is not experiencing homelessness. For this reason comparisons between NI and other jurisdictions need to be undertaken with care. One notable and relevant aspect of the figures for NI is that they involve counting households, rather than individuals. While a significant proportion of households experiencing homelessness here consist of single individuals, the true number of persons in this position is higher than the number of households recorded.17
  4. In 2021, 16,027 households presented to NIHE as homeless with 10,361 of these households accepted as homeless towards whom the NIHE have a statutory duty. 52.5% of households presenting were single people, while 29.7% were families.18 These figures are lower than those recorded before the advent of the Covid pandemic. However, it is widely accepted that one of the many impacts of the pandemic was a reduction in the numbers experiencing homelessness coming forward. One significant factor accounting for a fall in the numbers coming forward arose because some households chose to endure unsuitable accommodation rather than risk moving during the pandemic despite the fact that their property has been deemed unsuitable for occupation19. At the point in time when COVID-19 started to impact homeless services, temporary accommodation provision was already under pressure.20 There is a widespread expectation that the figure for homelessness will rise as NI emerges from the pandemic21. It should also be noted that the Northern Ireland House Condition Survey (NIHCS) was postponed for a year due to Covid-19.22
  5. While the number of persons presenting as homeless may have reduced, the numbers in temporary accommodation have sharply increased since the start of the pandemic in 2020. In January 2019, 2065 households were in temporary accommodation in NI. By February 2022 this figure had increased by 74% to 3596 households.23 1512 of these households have been in temporary accommodation for over a year, with 162 in such accommodation for over five years.24 In January 2019, 2,433 children were living in temporary accommodation. By February 2022, this figure had increased to 3,763 children with 67.7% of these children aged nine and under.25
  6. The issue of homelessness cannot be addressed effectively in the absence of an adequate supply of decent housing26. One of the factors contributing to this rise in the numbers needing temporary accommodation is the lengthening waiting list for social housing in Northern Ireland27. Any household can apply for social housing which is allocated on the basis of need through a Housing Selection Scheme. Households who are found to be homeless gain a substantial number of points for the purposes of allocation. On 31 December 2021, the social housing waiting list stood at 44,405 households with 23,634 households deemed to be full duty applicants.28 It’s worth noting that the equivalent figures in 2002/3 stood at 26,248 applicants on the waiting list.29 Since then, the social housing waiting list has grown by 71%.
  7. Irrespective of the implementation of better legislation, improved policy and better services, homelessness will persist without a greater supply of housing. The NI Executive must take measures to increase housing supply. As outlined above, the social housing waiting list has grown substantially and the trend looks set to continue without well-planned, consistent action and investment from the NI Executive.


  1. That the Northern Ireland Housing Executive increase the supply of safe, secure and affordable housing in Northern Ireland.


  1. The absence of a stand alone housing and homelessness outcome in the programme for government for the NI Executive inhibits effective policy.
  2. A significant issue in preventing and reducing homelessness in NI has been a lack of strategic coordination across the NI Executive. This has been recognised by the Northern Ireland Audit Office (NIAO) in 2017 when it stated that “the strategic approach to homelessness in Northern Ireland must also shift towards a cross-departmental strategy with those involved committing to a common goal. Until homelessness is a strategic priority for all the relevant departments and agencies in Northern Ireland it will continue to be viewed mainly as a housing issue and suffer because of conflicting priorities.”30 A specific standalone housing and homelessness outcome in the Programme for Government for the NI Executive would help develop the interdepartmental approach to homelessness that is required if we are to respond to the issue of homelessness in a proactive and effective manner.


  • That the United Kingdom government address the issue of homelessness in Northern Ireland by ensuring the inclusion of a standalone housing and homelessness outcome in the Programme for Government for the NI Executive.


  • That Northern Ireland legislation that aims to reduce and prevent the incidences of homelessness should be updated, as has been the case in England and Wales.
  • Legislation governing homelessness in NI needs to be fundamentally reviewed and reformed. Current legislation only allows intervention when homelessness occurs. The Housing Executive (NI) Order 1988 sets out the duties and obligations of the Housing Executive towards people who become homeless or are threatened with homelessness31. In other UK jurisdictions, there has been substantial and progressive policy reform with the introduction of new legislation32. In England and Wales the law has been changed and updated allowing for a greater emphasis on the reduction and prevention of homelessness. In Scotland the distinction between ‘priority’ and ‘non-priority’ need has been removed33. While legislative reform alone will not solve our homelessness crisis, it can provide better legal protection for those experiencing homelessness and ultimately lead to better outcomes.


  • That the NI Executive introduce similar legislation (to that in England and Wales) that will reform current policies intended to reduce the incidence of homelessness in Northern Ireland.

B: The Rights of Refugees and People Seeking Asylum

  • The current pandemic has exacerbated already existing problems for people seeking asylum and refugees in Northern England. This is well documented by civil society groups such as Revive UK and by state agencies such as the Home Office

C: The Right to Life, Liberty and Security of Person


  • That the current asylum process in the UK is under-resourced and overwhelmed.
  • The UK asylum determination system stands accused of being not fit for purpose and failing to meet accepted human right standards and norms. “The UK asylum determination system is both inhumane and inefficient; people often face further suffering once they come to the UK. Poor Home Office decision-making on asylum claims is widespread, with almost two in five asylum refusals corrected on appeal.”34 A wide range of credible organisations have researched and analysed the problems with Home Office decision-making in the asylum context. Practical recommendations that have been accepted in principle have not been implemented.35
  • There were 37,562 asylum applications (main applicants only) in the UK in the year ending September 2021, an 18% increase on the previous year. This still only makes up 6% of the total number of immigrants into the UK37.
  • Currently, thousands of these asylum applicants have to wait years for a final decision on their claim; this means they are left in limbo and unable to plan for their futures38.
  • The backlog of cases awaiting an initial decision continued to rise to another record high.  At the end of September 2021, 83,733 people were waiting for an outcome on their initial claim for asylum. Of these, 56,520 (68%) have been waiting for more than 6 months, up from 46,108 this time last year.39 “The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic led to a number of changes in Home Office practice, which essentially slowed down the decisions making process as interviews were suspended during the first lockdown and then recommenced via video conferencing, leading to a 31% reduction in the number of decisions made from 20,766 in 2019 to 14,365 in 2020.”40 Each one of these represents a person anxiously awaiting news of their fate, with no idea how much longer they will be forced to live in poverty and uncertainty.


  • That the Government introduce a cross-departmental National Refugee Integration Strategy that is applicable to all refugees in the UK41 together with the appointment of a Minister for Refugees.42
  • The Home Office need to take urgent action to address the backlog going forward.43


  • That the current asylum system greets people seeking asylum and migrants with hostility and disbelief: enforced destitution and detention and that new proposals would deepen this hostility.44
  • The exposure in April 2018 of the Windrush scandal has drawn attention to current immigration policy and practice that has devastating and sometimes tragic consequences.45 More would claim that what is in place is an intentional and planned hostility towards those who arrive in the UK in the hope of a better life for them and for their families.46 In 2012 Teresa May, the then Home Secretary was quoted as saying:  “The aim is to create here in Britain a really hostile environment for illegal migration.”47 


  • That any new system of asylum would adhere to the highest human rights standards.49 50


  •  We are concerned that the “move-on” period of 28 days which allows for the continuation of Section 95 support is too short.
  • “It is government policy not to prepare applicants for life in the UK prior to the decision on their asylum applications, in case such preparations make it more difficult to remove them in the event of a negative decision.”51 And, when people seeking asylum are given the right to remain in the UK, they are afforded just 28 days support during which they must become employed and access accommodation. It is not only more compassionate but it also makes economic sense52 to extend this “moving – on” period to 56 days support . Without such an extension, many find themselves homeless and destitute making it even more difficult to access accommodation or gain employment. Their journey to the UK may have been traumatic and long. They may have suffered what has been termed the “seven D’s”: discrimination, detention, dispersal, destitution, denial of the right to work, denial of healthcare, and delayed decisions.53 Indeed, 57% of refugees end up sleeping rough or in a hostel or night shelter when they leave asylum accommodation.54
  • The Home Office provides housing and financial support to a person who has claimed asylum if they do not have accommodation and / or cannot afford to meet their essential living needs. This support is provided under Section 95 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 and continues until the person’s asylum claim is finally determined by the Home Office or appeal courts.55 Section 95 support will be withdrawn if a person is granted leave to remain. A 28-day notice period will be provided to enable the person to make a claim for benefits and access housing assistance from their local council. For many who may have been 10 years or longer in the asylum process the 28 day “move on” period is far too short to find accommodation, a job and to register for entitlements and many have been forced into destitution resulting from this 28 day rule.56 Recent research into the challenges faced by refugees during this “move on” period found that they can lead to deteriorating mental health and subsequently damage the ability of the newly recognised refugee to rebuild their lives in the UK.57


  • That the current “move-on” period of 28 days be extended to 56 days.


  • That the current system prioritises some refugees over others and manifests itself as an unjust “two-tier” system.
  • That this emerging “two-tier” system will be reinforced should the new Borders and Nationality Bill be passed into law as it is currently proposed.
  • In 2017 an All Party Parliamentary Group report entitled Refugees Welcome concluded that there is “a clear two-tier system in how we treat refugees which is leaving thousands homeless and destitute.58 
  • Many who arrive in Britain through a resettlement scheme receive more support than those who are given refugee status after they arrive as people seeking asylum. “Refugees often struggle to access employment, training, healthcare and other services, resettled refugees are far more likely to be able to gain support to overcome any barriers from their caseworker.”59 Refugees who have come through the asylum route are more likely to need to rely on the limited resources of charities, faith based organisations and individuals.60 61
  • Clause 11 in the Nationality and Borders Bill sets out the differential treatment of refugees and threatens to undermine the longstanding and widely understood expectation that a person’s asylum application is decided on the individual merits of their case and whether they would face serious threats to their life or freedom if they were not to be granted refugee status. The artificial manufacture of a two-tier system creates two different classes of refugees. This would not be based on needs or merits but would depend on the ability of a person to arrive in the UK via a ‘regular’ route of travel. This is a clear breach of the principles of the Refugee Convention, and we have seen no credible evidence that it will stop irregular migration across the English Channel; it is therefore, policy made without a basis in evidence or morality. Criminalising and punishing vulnerable people seeking asylum who have little choice but to arrive in the UK through ‘irregular routes’, when the majority62 are subsequently able to prove that they have a legitimate basis for their asylum claim, is a disgraceful, hostile and dishonourable policy, and should be abandoned.


  • That the government would look afresh at the statutory provision for refugees and people seeking asylum who seek sanctuary in the UK to ensure a more humane and just approach to the fulfilment of the UK’s human rights obligations.64


  • Our concern is that, with the passing of current legislation as proposed in the Borders and Nationality Bill, people seeking asylum in the UK will be criminalised.
  • That arriving in the UK without documents would not only criminalise those seeking asylum but would significantly discriminate against a person’s right to access the necessary and relevant supports.
  • Other than the government resettlement schemes people have no formal way to seek asylum in the UK. The new Borders and Nationality Bill will not create one. In fact, creating more stringent border controls will merely encourage people seeking asylum to enter the UK by informal (and often more dangerous) routes.
  • In January 2021, the UK government introduced new rules through which they can decide that an asylum claim is “inadmissible”, meaning it won’t be considered in the UK. The inadmissibility rules are part of the new Nationality and Borders Bill currently going through parliament.  However, these rules have been in place and have been used by the Home Office since January last year. The 2021 inadmissibility rules replaced the Dublin Regulations65, which no longer applied in the UK once the UK left the EU.
  • Despite the fact that the Refugee Convention explicitly allows people to seek asylum without official documents, those who arrive without official documentation will be punished and may even face criminal charges.  However, the new Borders and Nationality Bill will create increased opportunities for traffickers who are less likely to be reported by those for whom they offer one of the few opportunities for entry into the UK. “By making it riskier for any migrant without documents to present to the authorities, it plays into traffickers’ hands. The UK government argues that the Bill combats trafficking but, in fact this Bill merely serves as a charter for traffickers.”66
  • The new Borders and Nationality Bill is extremely wide ranging, and makes sweeping changes to the UK asylum system. However, it lacks detail in many areas and gives the Home Secretary a huge amount of discretion over how many key proposals will be put into practice.67


  • That any new legislation for the reception and integration of refugees and people seeking asylum would be properly resourced and identify and create safe routes for those who wish to travel to the UK.
  • That arrival without documents would not be prejudicial to the application of any person who seeks asylum in the UK.


  • That the UK government is becoming increasingly dependent upon detention in the immigration removal centres, including the detention of children.
  • The UK Government already has the power to detain people who are seeking refuge. Sometimes this even includes children. There is no maximum time limit for people held in detention, meaning people are held indefinitely. The latest statistics show that there were 1,410 people in detention in immigration removal centres at the end of September 2021; among them were 881 people seeking asylum. This equates to a 56% increase from the previous year. The Refugee Council estimates that the new Borders and Nationality Bill would mean up to 14,000 would potentially be accommodated in reception centres after its implementation.68 
  • In the same period, there were 17,499 occurrences of people being released back into the community, indicating flaws in the Government’s detention regime.69 
  • Despite a Government promise in 2010 to end the practice of detaining children, there were still 112 occurrences of children entering immigration detention in the year ending September 2021.70


  • That any new legislation would include new provisions that are likely to see a significant decrease in numbers detained in immigration centres and that the detention of children in immigration centres ceases immediately as per government assurances71.


  • That people seeking asylum, refugees and migrants be adequately supported, in accordance with their needs, at all stages of their application to claim asylum.
  • Rejected asylum-seekers are denied all statutory support. The eligibility criteria for Section 472 support are intentionally narrow. The lack of other statutory provision for refused asylum seekers is intended to reinforce the expectation that they leave the UK73. “Cashless, prohibited from working, unwilling to face return, or unable to return, or unreturnable, they are denied basic human rights of food, shelter, and medical care, and consigned to a limbo of street destitution which drives many into illegal or exploitative survival strategies.”74 
  • A limited number are provided with Section 4 support consisting of a cashless weekly allowance and accommodation in a location beyond the control of the applicant. The person must also be destitute or about to become destitute in order to qualify for Section 4 support. If the Home Office rejects an application for Section 4 support, and that decision is upheld on appeal, the person will then have no access to any form of support75.
  • “What happens while awaiting a decision on an application can have a significant impact on the future prospects of successfully integrating. The asylum system can be very stressful for applicants.”76
  • Asylum claims are often subject to an excessive standard of proof and claimants have to overcome significant doubt and scepticism.78
  • Inevitably, this leads to wrongful refusals. In fact, “approximately 40% of refusals are overturned on appeal to the courts, indicating a serious systemic flaw in initial decision-making. Rather than solving the problem, it should be noted that the new Borders and Nationality Bill will further formalise and entrench suspicion of people seeking asylum in law.”80


  • That Section 4 support be extended to prevent incidences of destitution among asylum seekers.



  • That the opportunity to work and contribute is denied to a person seeking asylum and that this contributes to their inability to integrate fully, maintain their mental health, learn English and access education.
  • People claiming asylum are not eligible for mainstream welfare benefits and are not usually allowed to work. A person granted asylum becomes eligible to work in the UK without restrictions.82 The policy restricting asylum seekers’ rights to work has been under review since 2018. The current position is that people seeking asylum are not allowed to work whilst waiting for a decision on their asylum claim. However, they can apply for permission to work if they have waited for over 12 months for an initial decision on their asylum claim and are not considered responsible for the delay in decision-making.83 They can access employment only from the shortage occupation list which is extremely restrictive.84


  • That people seeking asylum irrespective of any decision on their asylum determination would after one year, become eligible to work and not be confined in their choice of employment by  the “shortage occupation list”.85



1The Westcourt Centre in Belfast aims to promote social inclusion and reduce disadvantage through education. As part of the Edmund Rice Network, Westcourt is committed to working towards social justice by giving voice and support to people on the margins. Since 2008, Westcourt has been working with a number of local service providers for the homeless to support people experiencing homelessness and help raise awareness of the issue of homelessness www.stillsomebody.org   

2Homeless Connect (previously known as Council for the Homeless NI) has been working to prevent and alleviate homelessness in Northern Ireland since 1983. Homeless Connect is the representative body for the homelessness sector in NI, working to represent organisations working with people experiencing homelessness or at risk of becoming homeless. Homeless Connect further provide direct support to service users through our projects.

3European Province Refugee Group was set up by people associated with the European Province of the Christian Brothers as a response to the 2015 refugee crisis. It sponsored a number of seminars and briefing meetings for the wider Edmund Rice Network in Ireland and the UK. Volunteers work on a one-to-one basis with refugees who are currently in Direct Provision. A refugee housing project is currently underway with the Irish Refugee Council.




7https://www.insidehousing.co.uk/news/news/northern-ireland-homelessness-body-undergoes-name-change-to-change-narrative-73021#:~:text=Figures%20released%20by%20Northern%20Ireland’s,two%20and%20a%20half%20years .


9Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.

10The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions.

11“People sleeping, about to bed down (sitting on/in or standing next to their bedding) or actually bedded down in the open air (such as on the streets, in tents, doorways, parks, bus shelters or encampments). People in buildings or other places, not designed for habitation (such as stairwells, barns, sheds, car parks, cars, derelict boats, stations or ‘bashes’)” https://www.nihe.gov.uk/Documents/Rough-Sleeping/2020-rough-sleeping-snapshot-statistics.aspx Page 1

12See Article 3 of the The Housing (Northern Ireland) Order 1988, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/nisi/1988/1990/article/3

13NIHE: Northern Ireland Housing Executive

14A single person is also classed as a household

15See Housing Executive, “Are you homeless?” for a brief explanation of the four criteria, accessed 17 January 2022: https://www.nihe.gov.uk/Housing-Help/Homelessness/Are-you-homeless 


17During 2017-18, 18,180 households presented as homeless to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive (The Northern Ireland Housing Statistics 2017-18). If each household was to consist of three individuals on average, this would produce a figure of over 55,000  individuals. https://simoncommunity.org/homelessness/knowledge-hub/homelessness-in-ni

18See Department for Communities, “Northern Ireland Homelessness Bulletin”, tables 1.1 and 1.2.


20https://nihe.gov.uk/Documents/Homelessness/homelessness-reset-plan-the-way-home.aspx?ext P.9.



23Department for Communities, “Northern Ireland Homelessness Bulletin July – Dec 2021,” accessed March 11 2022, Table 3.5,  https://www.communities-ni.gov.uk/system/files/publications/communities/ni-homelessness-bulletin-jul-dec-2021-tables.ods

24Department for Communities, “Northern Ireland Homelessness Bulletin July – Dec 2021,” Table 3.5.

25Department for Communities, “Northern Ireland Homelessness Bulletin July – Dec 2021,” Table 3.4



28Figures provided by the Housing Executive to Homeless Connect. Full Duty Applicants are households who have been accepted as legally homeless and granted points accordingly in the Housing Selection Scheme.

29Department for Communities, “Northern Ireland Housing Statistics 2020-21”, Table 3.5 https://www.communities-ni.gov.uk/system/files/publications/communities/ni-housing-stats-20-21-tables3.ods

30Northern Ireland Audit Office, “Homelessness in Northern Ireland”, 21 November 2017,    Homelessness in Northern Ireland Full Report_0.pdf (niauditoffice.gov.uk) Paragraph 21

31The Housing (Northern Ireland) Order 1988, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/nisi/1988/1990

32The Homeless Reducation Act of 2017 https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-7201/CBP-7201.pdf Page 6

33The Homelessness (Abolition of Priority Need Test) (Scotland) Order 2012, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/sdsi/2012/9780111018187


35https://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/FFT_LessonsNotLearned_Report_A4_FINAL_LOWRES_1.pdf Page 1





40https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Living-in-Limbo-A-decade-of-delays-in-the-UK-Asylum-system-July-2021.pdf Page 5

41https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/APPG_on_Refugees_-_Refugees_Welcome_report.pdf Page 5



44https://www.jrsuk.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Being-Human-in-the-Asylum-System_JRS-UK_April-2021.pdf Page 4

45https://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/FFT_LessonsNotLearned_Report_A4_FINAL_LOWRES_1.pdf  P.4

46https://www.jrsuk.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Being-Human-in-the-Asylum-System_JRS-UK_April-2021.pdf Page 4

47Theresa May, Home Secretary, May 2012 in a Telegraph Interview https://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/FFT_LessonsNotLearned_Report_A4_FINAL_LOWRES_1.pdf P.2

48Testimony Sarah B https://docs.google.com/document/d/1TKLYZ63j5NB6s_jOo-nmfYix0ezxtE9W/edit?usp=sharing&ouid=109781223852144505988&rtpof=true&sd=true

49https://www.jrsuk.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Being-Human-in-the-Asylum-System_JRS-UK_April-2021.pdf Page 4

50https://www.jrsuk.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Being-Human-in-the-Asylum-System_JRS-UK_April-2021.pdf Page 4

51https://sticerd.lse.ac.uk/dps/case/cr/casereport126.pdf Page 5

52https://sticerd.lse.ac.uk/dps/case/cr/casereport126.pdf Page 5








60https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/APPG_on_Refugees_-_Refugees_Welcome_report.pdf Page 47

61Refugees Welcome? Today’s landmark cross-party report – Thangam Debbonaire  “It was frustrating to meet so many people capable of making important contributions to our society, thwarted by delays in receiving documents, patchy English language provision and a lack of employment and skills support. Creating a two-tier system for refugees, loading the dice against people who come here to build a new life, is not just the wrong thing to do, but a costly missed opportunity for Britain. I hope that this report will help to put an end to this unfair two-tier system, and force the government to look afresh at the welcome we give to people who seek sanctuary in our country.”



64As set out in the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees https://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/StatusOfRefugees.aspx


66Borders Bill campaign toolkit – SVP and JRS 2021 p.11





71https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/257654/child-detention-conclusions.pdf Page 3One of this Government’s first acts was to commit to ending the detention of children for immigration purposes.

72Section 4 support is only given to people meeting one of a small number of tightly defined conditions. These include demonstrating willingness to leave the UK, having a medical reason not to travel, or being unable to travel because there is no safe route of return. https://www.nrpfnetwork.org.uk/information-and-resources/rights-and-entitlements/support-options-for-people-with-nrpf/home-office-support/section-4-asylum-support#guide-sections

73https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN01909/SN01909.pdf Page 31

74ERI Oral Statement – UPR of United Kingdom http://www.edmundriceinternational.org/?page_id=3585

75Refugees Welcome? Today’s landmark cross-party report – Thangam Debbonaire

76https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/APPG_on_Refugees_-_Refugees_Welcome_report.pdf P47.


78https://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/FFT_LessonsNotLearned_Report_A4_FINAL_LOWRES_1.pdf Page 4


80https://www.svp.org.uk/nationality-and-borders-bill-campaign-toolkit Page 8


82https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN01909/SN01909.pdf Page 41

83https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN01909/SN01909.pdf Page 11


85https://www.jrsuk.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Being-Human-in-the-Asylum-System_JRS-UK_April-2021.pdf Page 4